Pakistan’s military trips politicos, again

    Its Chief of Army Staff, Gen Qamar Bajwa, has unilaterally appointed
    Lt Gen Nadeem Ahmed Anjum to the lynchpin job of the DG ISI

    The innocuous Abpara area of Islamabad hosts the most shadowy element
    of the Pakistani “establishment” ie, headquarters of its spy agency,
    the ISI (Inter-Services Intelligence). Infamous with monikers like
    “State within a State”, “rogue agency” or as former Prime Minister
    Nawaz Sharif cuttingly described it as “Khalai makhlooq”
    (extraterrestrial aliens)! The umbilical cord of Pakistani governance
    is publicly fronted by the façade of a civilian Government in
    Islamabad but is practically remote controlled by the dour Pakistani
    Generals who operate from 20 km away in the garrison township of
    Rawalpindi, where the Pakistan military’s General Head Quarters (GHQ)
    sits.

    Keeping a proverbial eye, ear and mind onto the affairs and control of
    the Pakistani officialdom is the lynchpin job of the Director General
    ISI (DG ISI), who ostensibly reports directly to the Prime Minister
    but, as a uniformed officer, is clearly beholden to the Pakistani
    military. This makes the ultra-sensitive job of the DG ISI as second
    most sought after and powerful office in Pakistan’s military hierarchy
    (if not in entire Pakistan). The ability of the incumbent to shape the
    national governance agenda, priorities and tenor is immense, given
    that it has had notorious DG’s like General Hamid Gul whose sense of
    extracurricular activism earned the institution much international
    infamy and dread. The recent sighting of the earlier DG ISI landing in
    the mayhem and mass exodus of Kabul with a chilling statement that
    “everything will be okay” was soon followed by a virtual “coup” within
    the Taliban’s ranks, with the ISI’s preferred and deadly Haqqani
    faction usurping the Afghan Taliban leadership.

    Today, the perennially manipulative and suspicious elements within the
    loose arrangement of the Pakistani “establishment” are at extreme
    unease as Pakistan’s Chief of Army Staff, General Qamar Bajwa, has
    gone ahead and unilaterally announced a new DG ISI, Lt Gen Nadeem
    Ahmed Anjum, without the apparent concurrence or alignment with the
    Prime Minister. Timing is ominous with Pakistan saddled with an
    unprecedented economic crisis, dangerous unrest in Balochistan, Khyber
    Pakhtunkhwa, Line of Control (LoC) and across the invisible Durand
    Line. Above all, with just about a year away from the end of the
    three-year extended term of Gen Bajwa, the stakes are high. The choice
    of the DG ISI was understandably a matter of concern for various
    competing stakeholders and, with the pre-emptive announcement of Lt
    Gen Anjum, Gen Bajwa has ensured his man at the pivotal post. Prime
    Minister Imran Khan is left with the awkward choice of swallowing his
    pride and sanctifying the choice or risking going against the mighty
    Pakistani military — something that he can ill-afford given the
    popular mood within the country, that increasingly disbelieves his
    spiel of “naya Pakistan” (new Pakistan). Importantly, Gen Bajwa had
    short-circuited the traditional approach of forwarding three names for
    the PM’s consideration and, in doing so, set the cat among the
    pigeons.

    Imran, like his civilian predecessors like Nawaz Sharif, assorted
    Bhuttos and other proxies, will realise that irrespective of the
    preferences showered, the loyalty of the Generals is only unto
    themselves and their “institution” and certainly not to the civilian
    masters or even the country beyond a point. Pakistan’s governance
    history is littered with invariable U-turns by Generals who either
    unceremoniously dumped their political benefactors or sent them to the
    gallows — General Ayub started the trend with Iskander Mirza, General
    Zia treacherously hanged Zulfikar Bhutto, Benazir Bhutto faced
    ISI-organised Operation Midnight Jackal, Nawaz Sharif was outdone by
    General Pervez Musharaf. All these retractions by Pakistani Generals
    followed an ironical trend of a supposedly “pliant/loyal” choice of a
    General (like Zia-ul-Haq and Pervez Musharaf, who superseded others as
    they were initially considered non-threatening). Interestingly, the
    latest bout between Imran-Gen Bajwa follows the same pattern of a quid
    pro quo gone sour. Pakistani military is widely believed to have been
    behind the “management” of Imran’s success in the 2018 elections, and
    the favour was duly returned with Gen Bajwa securing a three-year
    extension to the post of COAS.

    The Pakistan “establishment” is a minefield of insecurities and turf
    wars that ensure that nobody can take the other for granted
    permanently. Beyond the simplistic calculus and optics of a
    military-versus-politician’s tiff thrives a complex admixture of
    clergy, judiciary and media to even foreign powers (from Ummah to the
    Chinese) that can be tapped into towards desired outcome. With such a
    lay of the land, the role of the globetrotting DG ISI, who often plays
    a role far more expansive than the usually mandated for Intelligence
    heads in other countries, becomes apparent. Unsurprisingly, when a
    certain political appointee like Lt Gen Shamsur Rahman Kallu did make
    it to the DG ISI’s post, the Pakistani military made sure that his
    role, relevance and access was cut to size.

    From all public accounts, Lt Gen Anjum is professionally well-rounded
    with multiple military courses from the UK and the US, besides
    diversified command/staff exposures — above all, his surprise and
    unilateral appointment will ensure a modicum of the “institution’s
    man” with watertight loyalty to the Rawalpindi GHQ in the perennial
    cloak-and-dagger of Pakistani governance. The Pakistani military has
    tripped politicos, yet again.

    (The writer, a military veteran, is a former Lt Governor of Andaman &
    Nicobar Islands and Puducherry. The views expressed are personal.)