Tsering Phuntsog
Widely admired for his dedicated service to the people of Ladakh, top leader Chering (also spelt as Tsering) Dorjay Lakrook was elected president of the powerful Ladakh Buddhist Association (LBA) on May 5. His journey to victory was not without challenges: he first faced resistance from a Buddhist monk and then, in a rare such spectacle, combined opposition believed to be backed by some political parties. He overcame every hurdle with remarkable poise and determination.
A controversy was stirred by Palga Rinpoche, a young monk with a Tibetan father and a Ladakhi mother. Monks and Rinpoches are usually held in high regard by the Buddhist community, which rarely questions their actions or motives. However, they are not permitted to be members of the LBA, which has a constitution that only allows ordinary Buddhist citizens to join. These citizens form the General Council (GC), a broader body responsible for electing the LBA president. The GC is an elected body, with each member representing 50 to 300 people. While GC members (GCMs) are eligible to run for the LBA presidency, a non-GCM can also contest for the prestigious post if nominated by 50 GC members. Initially, Palga Rinpoche was determined to become a General Council Member (GCM). However, the Election Authority rejected his candidacy based on constitutional provisions. Undeterred, Palga Rinpoche launched a social media campaign to challenge the LBA’s statutes. As his persistence continued, a meeting of the Constitution Drafting Committee was convened to address any doubts and clarify the regulations.
The Drafting Committee maintained that the term layman/laywoman in the LBA constitution referred to anyone who was not a monk or nun. They reiterated that this interpretation had been communicated to them by the LBA authorities in 20 I 9.
Flawed argument
Palga Rinpoche was not satisfied and took an obstinate position. He even pledged not to contest for the post of president if considered for election to the GC .This argument appeared to be an afterthought and was flawed, as he put it forward after the deadline for GC elections had passed. By then, every village had already elected its GC representatives according to the allotted quota and within the prescribed time frame. Understandably, the Election Authority did not accept his request. Palga Rinpoche’s behaviour raised many eyebrows, with many people suspecting that his actions aimed to derail the election process.
Palga Rinpoche continued to pursue the position of president. It became evident that his earlier announcement of not contesting was merely a strategy to gain entry into the LBA. He filed his nomination paper, duly proposed by 50 GC Members.
Despite his ineligibility to be even a primary member of the LBA, the Election Authority accepted his papers. He was among five aspirants who filed their nominations, including Rinchen Namgyal from Sakti, Chering Dorjay Lakrook from Leh, Rigzin Spalbar (commonly known as RP) from Saboo/Ayu, and Tondup Tsewang from Hemis-Shukpachan.
Among them, Rinchen Namgyal withdrew his candidacy in support of Dorjoy. Palga Rinpoche’s candidacy was rejected during scrutiny because his father’s name did not match the official records. He merely stirred up a storm in a teacup.
Some people believed that Palga Rinpoche had misrepresented himself by listing a Ladakhi as his father on the nomination form. The official reasons for his rejection did not mention his ineligibility as a primary member or the fact that he was neither Ladakhi nor Indian.
Dorjay had previously challenged Palga Rinpoche’s candidacy, arguing that he was essentially a Tibetan national and a monk, rendering him ineligible for the LBA presidency or any other LBA position. According to the LBA constitution, a candidate for president must be a “Buddhist from Ladakh”, above 25 years of age on the day of nomination, not an undischarged insolvent, free of a criminal background, of sound mind, and not an active political post holder.
Partners turn rivals
RP and Tondup Tsewang were also not members of the GC, but they fulfilled the other conditions for their candidacies, including being proposed by 50 members each. Later, Tondup Tsewang urged his followers to support RP. With Palga Rinpoche already opposing Dorjoy, RP appeared to be in a strong position on paper, seemingly assured of support from at least 150 members.
Both Dorjay and RP had been partners in the struggle for Union Territory status for Ladakh. Both had also served as Chairman and Chief Executive Councillors of the Ladakh Autonomous Hill Development Council (Leh).
Dorjay had climbed even higher in the politics of the undivided J&K State, becoming a legislator and a Cabinet Minister. He is regarded as an honest, brave, and straightforward leader and has been the closest ally of Thupstan Chhewang, the twice-elected Lok Sabha member and the undisputed leader of Ladakh.
Dorjay and RP elaborated their plans by issuing manifestos for the election. Both supported the demand of the Apex Body (Leh), of which the LBA is a key constituent, and the Kargil Democratic Alliance (KDA) for constitutional protections under the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution.
However, RP avoided mentioning the demand for statehood and did not pledge support to the Apex Body if elected as LBA president.
In his characteristic manner, Dorjay was more forthcoming. He assured full support for the Apex Body’s demands and decisions. Dorjay has been o prominent figure within the Apex Body, supporting it since its formative days.s
RP apparently took a calculated risk. A long-time Congress leader, he accepted the support of Tondup and Palga Rinpoche who are known BJP sympathisers. There is much resentment in Leh against the B}P’s stance on the Sixth Schedule. While RP could have mounted a strong challenge to Dorjay, his choice of allies appeared to have undermined his efforts. Dorjay won by 33 votes amidst triumphant slogans of “Kiki Soso Lha-r Gyalo” (Truth has prevailed), polling 179 votes to RP’s 146 votes and Tondup’s 2 (Tondup had declared his withdrawal in favor of RP before the counting). It was heartening to see the two main contestants gracefully part ways after the election outcome was known, sharing greetings. Dorjoy thanked his supporters and sought the cooperation of everyone for the sake of the community at Large.
Pivotal role
Over the decades, the LBA has played a pivotal role in uplifting the Buddhist community of Ladakh. As a non-political, socio-religious organisation, it was established to foster and promote a social structure in Ladakh based on the Buddha’s teachings of non-violence, peaceful co-existence, and harmonious relationships with people, nature, and the environment. The LBA emphasizes logical and ethical reasoning in addressing life’s challenges and focuses on individual development as a means of societal transformation.
The LBA has achieved several spectacular milestones, including: (a) Securing separation from the erstwhile J&K State and achieving Union Territory status for Ladakh; (b) Protecting monastic institutions and Gompas by successfully resisting the extension of the land ceiling and reform laws in the 1950s and 1970s when Ladakh was part of the former J&K State; (c) Introducing the Bhoti language into the curriculum of government schools in Ladakh; (d) Imposing a ban on hunting and poaching of wild animals in Ladakh; (e) Forming the selfgoverning Ladakh Autonomous Hill Development Councils in Leh and Kargil; (f) Achieving recognition and declaration of Ladakh as a Scheduled Tribe Area; (g) Facilitating the abrogation of Article 370 of the Constitution; and (h) Gaining wide recognition as a symbol of Buddhist hope, pride, unity, identity, dignity, and self-esteem.
The LBA is also recognized as a major patriotic force in a sensitive region of the country, bordered by two hostile neighbours.
The May 5, 2024 election for the LBA president was necessitated by the completion of Thupstan Chhewang’s three-year term on February 10. During the interim period, the LBA Youth Wing took over as the transitional authority under Article I 0 of the LBA Constitution with the mandate to conduct the polls.
New constitution
The LBA adopted its current constitution in 2020. It followed the efforts of a specially constituted drafting committee. This committee comprised legal experts and prominent, experienced individuals. The writer had the privilege of being a member, alongside former LBA presidents Tundup Tsewang, who served as chairman, and Tsering Samphel, a well-known social and political figure. Other notable members included Eshoy Namgyal, a former LBA general secretary; Tsering Morup, a former LBA vice-president; and Thinles Angmo, Gonbo Stobgyol, Namgyol Angchuk, Tashi Gyaltson, and the late Nurboo Gyalchan, all of whom were lawyers. The committee gathered feedback from various sections of society and drafted a new constitution, effectively revamping the old statute book.
Without altering the preamble, aims and objectives of the old constitution, the Committee made a conscious effort to infuse modern and fresh meanings into provisions dealing with elections, finance, and outreach. This included fostering inter and intra-regional collaborations with like-minded associations and groups to promote Buddha Dharma for world peace. The Committee diligently submitted the draft in the shortest possible time.
The new constitution envisions three types of members to ensure full participation from all citizens: (I) Primary Members: Every Ladakhi Buddhist layperson above 18 years of age, and an elector as per the electoral roll of the Election Commission of India for elections in Ladakh, is o primary member of the LBA: (2) Elected Members: Villages or hamlets with 50-300 primary members con elect one GC member. Those with 301-600 primary members can elect a second, 601-900 a third, and so on; (3) Associate Members: There are 13 associate members (like the Lodokh Gompa Association) who are also members of the GC and the Central Working Committee (CWC) with voting rights.
The GC meets at least twice a year, including the budget session, and is the most important and powerful body of the LBA. The CWC and the executive body of the LBA are accountable to the GC (the executive body consists of office-bearers appointed by the president in consultation with the GC).The composition of the CWC is as follows: 25 members drawn from the GC on a proportional representation basis from all 9 branches of the LBA, 5 to 7 executive members, 13 associate members, 5 nominated women members and 5 members nominated from unrepresented socially disadvantaged groups. The CWC meets monthly and takes decisions, including approving the day-to-day physical and financial activities carried out by the LBA executive. AII major and minor activities carried out by the LBA executive under the CWC’s approval are presented to the GC for information and symbolic approval. The CWC has full authority to approve all physical and financial activities of the executive body, as it is a representative body of the GC.
Impact on polls
The first elections under the new constitution were held in 2021, significantly enhancing their prestige and credibility with the participation of Thupstan Chhewang, who had by then renounced electoral politics. He was elected with a resounding majority and took office on February 11 , 2021. About three months before the end of his tenure, he appointed Tashi Tsetan, o retired chief of Leh’s agriculture department, as the Election Authority with the approval of the CWC. Tsetan is known for his impartiality and hard work. The Election Authority conducts the direct elections to the GC as well as the indirect polls for the LBA president.
The LBA presidential election in 2024 was impacted by several developments. One notable event was the hunger strike undertaken by Sonam Wangchuk, a social activist and innovator, in support of the Apex Body-KDA’s four demands. The Union Home Ministry’s lackadaisical approach, coupled with the inability of local BJP leaders to act as a bridge between the people of Ladakh and the Central Government, resulted in a loss of goodwill for the B}P. This was despite the fact that the people of Ladakh, especially the Buddhists, felt indebted to the Narendra Modi Government for meeting their demands for the separation of Ladakh from the erstwhile J&K State and the abrogation of Articles 370 and 35-A of the Constitution.
Throughout the campaign, Dorjay wholeheartedly identified himself with local sentiments, while his rivals were found lacking in this regard. The people chose an LBA president with a proven, consistent record of working for their welfare. (The Article is reproduced from the Border Affairs magazine)
*(The writer has for long been associated with the LBA and was a member of its constitution drafting committee. He is also a well-known expert on Pashmina Goats of the Changthong plateau.)
