For India, the prospectus in Dhaka seem more complicated that before
By Ashis Biswas
Suddenly, there is a new twist in Bangladesh politics. For a change, it comes as a puzzle for the Turkiye/Pakistan axis that is playing an increasingly assertive anti-Indian role in Bangladesh. Bucking Bangladeshi’ media’s usually hostile coverage of India, analysts are asking critical questions about the past record and present motives of Turkiye in the context of its present engagement with hard core Islamists forces in Bangladesh.
Curiously, this is happening while there has been a noticeable increase of mostly negative press coverage about Turkiye in neighbouring India as well. As expected Indian commentators have flayed. Ankara’s consistent support to Pakistan on Kashmir -related issues, its hobnobbing with militant Islamic groups in Bangladesh and Pakistan, its supply of 400-plus drones and assorted advance hardware to Pakistan during operation Sindoor, etc.
India’s economic decision to crackdown on Turkish agency Celebi and cancelling its multi-million dollars’ worth of work orders in nine Indian airports was applauded not only in the media but by Indian people in general.
Even Turkish President Erdogan known for nurturing roseate dreams about reviving the glories of the long gone Ottoman empire, was jolted by India’s sudden strike against the company he reportedly has a major stake in, As a top company executive admitted, India’s move resulted not only in a financial loss of around US $500 million, but also involved a further loss of jobs for 10,000 employees! Other projects in India involving Turkish participation have also been put on hold. Turkiye Foreign office spokesmen recently appealed to India not to react to every development through a ‘Pakistan prism’, but to increase bilateral cooperation to ensure economic progress.
As things stand between Turkiye and India — not to mention Bangladesh — an immediate favourable reset in India’s policy towards Ankara .appears unlikely. The growth of Indo-Turkic ties were not contingent upon Ankara’s persistent support to Pakistan on the Kashmir issue only. As new Delhi sees it, for the last three decades or so, Turkish leaders have been working against Indian interests in the South Asia region to achieve their strategic objective — to expand Islamic influence in India’s own backyard and keeping it busy in fending off perpetual hostility from two antagonistic neighbours, Pakistan and Bangladesh. This would also slow down India’s economic growth story.
As for Bangladesh, it has taken Turkey (as it was called earlier) nearly two decades to achieve a measure of local importance and acceptance there. While the Awami League was in power, Islamic extremism was kept under check, until about 2020 or so. Then the AL began to lose ground. Anti incumbency factors began working the party, as charges of corruption and election rigging gradually alienated common people. Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, who had earlier rejected a request from Turkish president Abdullah Gul some years ago not to proceed with the trial of “War criminals of 1970-71”, began to yield ground to Islamic extremists.
She cultivated and encouraged the Hifazat e Islam, then allowed the Islamist agitation against works of art and culture, the annual cultural celebration of the Bengali new year, while direct attacks on the Hindu minority and the annual Durga puja festival increased sharply. In 2021, Indian Prime Minister Mr. Narendra Modi had to cut short his visit to Bangladesh because of major violent anti India demonstrations in Dhaka, Chittagong and other cities that led to a widespread loss of official property and the death of 12 persons.. .
Between 2020 and the present,, two countries had significantly increased their involvement with Bangladesh politically, economically and culturally — Turkiye and Pakistan. It is no coincidence that the decline of Indian influence to its East, too, happened in the same period. GOI and the ruling AL in Bangladesh failed to read the increasing Islamic radicalisation among students, different civil society groups and sundry other forces during these years. The process climaxed in the August 5, 2024 anti AL (and also anti India) armed coup.
Earlier, the Bangladesh administration had allowed Pak intelligence officials to visit regularly areas close to the Indian border, Pakistani and Turkish diplomats maintained close links with Jamaat e Islami, the BNP (the main opposition to the AL), and various Islamic leaders and student/youth groups.
Significantly, violent, armed members, especially youths, belonging to these groups took the lead in carrying out the Aug 5 2024 coup in Dhaka, forcing PM Hasina to flee to India…
Turkiye proposed joint ventures in Bangladesh to produce arms in factories it would finance, while Pakistan finalised a proposed sale of 24 JF 17 thunder combat aircraft. A simulator for training Bangladeshi pilots has just been sent by Pakistan, even as a long term defence deal is being discussed with Dhaka. .
General press coverage in Bangladesh towards the rising co-operation between Turkiye and Bangladesh remained positive. It was hoped that bilateral trade would increase and joint ventures would strengthen Bangladesh’s economy. Turkiye leaders had become popular also because their total support to the Jamaat e Islami and Islamic fundamentalists on most issues — in other words the strongest band of anti Indian opinion — weakened the position of the pro Indian AL, which was condemned as agents of India!
So why were Bangladeshis now asking uncomfortable questions about Turkiye’s present role and objectives?
For one thing the Jamaat, which won a significant number of seats in Bangladeshi districts bordering West Bengal,, has just announced plans to launch a movement among youths and other groups of people to press for certain demands seeking to bring about new political reforms. The Jamaat seeks a more Islamised system of education and greater space for sharia laws in the country. The Islamists who were actually expecting to win more seats and form the government with the new nationalist Citizens party(NCP) in the February general elections, wish to oust the ruling Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) from power.. The emotive slogan for a greater Muslim united Bengal, carving out territory from India by force if needed, figures high in the list of their priorities.
Naturally rulers in Pakistan and Turkiye are known to be behind .such moves, which would spell major trouble for India if it sought to fight Bangladesh. Pakistan could then harass India to its West.
For the Islamic extremists led by Jamaat, there is one complicating factor. Unlike the Jamaat and scores of other Islamist parties and groups, the BNP shares a common ground with its bête noire the AL — on the question of Bangladesh freedom struggle and the victory in 1970-71 over Pakistan. Millions of supporters of both parties had fought against Pakistan. Many had died. The BNP claimed to have led the battle against Pak occupation and does not regard the late Mujibur Rahman as the country’s founder. It puts forward the late Gen Ziaur Rahman as the bigger leader. .
As the present ruling party, the BNP finds it hard to face the extremist challenge put up by Jamaat e Islami and other forces, which, it is common knowledge, enjoy a full and tacit support from Turkiye and Pakistan.
Thus, it is not surprising that there is now the media campaign targeting Turkiye and its role in Bangladesh over the years. In one article it has been, pointed out that Turkey, as it was known then, had never expressed even minimal sympathy or support for the cause of Bangladesh. It carried no reports of the genocide launched by Pakistan on its eastern wing or the massive atrocities against an unarmed civilian population..It never condemned Pakistan for its horrendous excesses against unarmed Bengalis.
Turkey did not immediately recognise Bangladesh along with Russia and India. It did so only after Pakistan recognised Bangladesh, in 1972. It stood by Pakistan through all stages of the war for freedom. It called for all support to Pakistan and consolidation of the Islamic Bloc. Years later, it offered little developmental or other assistance to Bangladesh, unlike China or Japan. It pressed Bangladesh to resume links with Pakistan as before and to halt immediately official Bangladeshi action against Pakistani war mongers, mass killers and other criminals because of their all out support for Pakistan!
While the press campaign has just begun, the bloc of Islamic fundamentalists cannot afford to take it lightly. It is clear that a political lobby is behind it — probably the banned Awami League. And the AL, ban or no ban, has many followers and would always denounce Islamic fundamentalists for supporting Pakistan and attacking the cause of Bangladeshi freedom, the identity of the free Bengali state. Perhaps pro Indian elements operating in Bangladesh were also involved.
The explanation is somewhat simplistic. Quite apart from the AL or India, the BNP too would never give up its commitment to the cause of Bangladesh’s freedom and the emergence of a new free Bengali state, regardless of its preference for Pakistan or Turkiye over India
A new struggle may be in the offing in Bangladesh in the months ahead. (IPA Service)
